Citizens of three former Soviet countries — Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan — can work legally on the territory of one another’s countries.
And in a glass-and-steel skyscraper in Moscow, hundreds of officials at a new international organization have quietly taken over trade policy for these three governments.
After years of fits and starts, a Russian-backed idea to form a free-trade zone on the territory of much of the former Soviet Union is closer to fruition today than ever before.
Adding to the momentum was the decision last week by the Ukrainian government to hold talks on aligning with this group, called the Customs Union, rather than with the European Union. Two other former Soviet states, Kyrgyzstan and Armenia, have also committed to joining this group, a sort of Nafta of Eurasia.
“The main Russian point here is to formalize a zone in which Russia has preferential economic interests and privileges,” Alexander Kliment, a Russian analyst at Eurasia Group in Washington, explained in a telephone interview. “Russia has informally been trying to do that for the past 10 years. But the Kremlin wants a formal structure.”
Now, it has that structure. The decision by the Ukrainian president, Viktor F. Yanukovich, to halt talks with the European Union and turn to the Customs Union instead seems a pivotal moment. It also touched off protests in Kiev, illustrating how the choice was also about more than trade: The European Union deal was also supposed to help democratize former Soviet states and spread Western values.
Lost in the broader tug-of-war between East and West were the workaday advantages that the Russian-supported trade bloc is increasingly able to provide as more countries join.
The bloc’s larger population means companies that invest within the region, such as Ford Motor, which builds cars in Russia, have more potential consumers without crossing a customs barrier. Russia offers lower energy tariffs to members. Sergei Y. Glazyev, an economic adviser to Mr. Putin, has said Ukraine will save $9 billion yearly on energy.
As measured by gross domestic product, the Customs Union in its current, three-member format of Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan still appears tiny beside the European Union.
The output of the Customs Union states was $2.3 trillion in 2012, compared with $16.6 trillion for the European Union, according to the International Monetary Fund. Ukraine’s economic output of $176 billion last year would only modestly bolster the Russian bloc.
But bulking up with Ukraine’s 46 million consumers would narrow the population gap with the European Union. A Customs Union that included Ukraine would have a total population of about 215 million people, compared with the total population of the 28 nations in the European Union of about 507 million people.
Other potential members of the Customs Union in Central Asia and the south Caucasus, poor nations all, add less in economic output than population. Adding Armenia, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, which has also expressed interest in joining, would contribute a combined additional $26 billion in gross domestic product and 16.6 million people.
Circling the wagons in the former Soviet space has disadvantages as well. Borrowing rates for businesses are high in Russia, sometimes above 10 percent, and countries that join the union join also the Kremlin’s high-risk, high-interest-rate world, rather than having access to the lower rates associated with better governance in the European Union.
Arkady Moshes, an analyst at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs, wrote earlier this year that some consumer prices rose in Kazakhstan as more expensive products from Russia and Belarus supplanted cheaper items from China, something Ukraine might expect if it joined.
The Customs Union took effect on Jan. 1, 2010, and most barriers went down by July 2011. A second stage of integration called the Single Economic Space followed on Jan. 1, 2012. In January 2015, it and the Customs Union will be formally combined and renamed the Eurasian Economic Union, becoming the “Soviet Union lite” of trade that all these deals have been moving toward.
The headquarters, called the Eurasian Commission, employs about 800 people. Already, the commission negotiates on trade matters with this group rather than the Russian government.
Like Nafta, the Customs Union frees the movement of products across borders. But it goes a step further, by also allowing mostly free movement of labor. It is less tightly woven than the European Union, however, having no transnational political power or common currency.
In an interview, Tatyana D. Valovaya, one of the nine governors on the board of the Customs Union, described the group in terms of the many new trade and economic blocs taking form these days, such as the United States-backed trans-Atlantic and trans-Pacific free trade areas.
The post-Cold War ideal of homogeneous global trade under the umbrella of the World Trade Organization is breaking down, she said. The institutions that govern trade are weighted to favor the developed countries, where these institutions got their start. “The market is global but there is no global regulation,” Ms. Valovaya said.
The response has been a rush to recruit nations into regional trade blocs. It is a rivalry recalling the Cold War, but these new trade groups are, for the most part, creedless structures, able to espouse little if any distinguishing ideology.
The Customs Union’s website, for example, openly explains that it drafted its rules for economic integration with an eye on the practices of the European Union, and officials cite Nafta and other groupings as models.
Using this approach, the Customs Union has achieved modest success increasing trade between member states since its inception, a study by the Brussels-based Center for European Policy Studies found.
“Everybody is looking for at least regional regulation of these large markets,” Ms. Valovaya said. “We in Eurasia are doing it, South Americans are doing it, and the United States is doing it.”